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ABARE can't beat a random number generator when it comes to Oil price forcasts.
I CONTINUE TO BE amazed at the absolute complacency relating to the stock market right now. Once again, investors have become convinced that there is little risk inherent in stocks and that the only way they can regain their lost fortunes from the past five years is to aggressively pursue the most volatile and risky investments.
In addition to the obvious signs of greed emerging, the opposite emotion fear -- is clearly on the decline. We see a current environment, despite all the obvious risks due to geopolitical issues, rising interest rates (official rates have more than tripled in just over a year), overvaluation of most stocks and record high energy costs, to name a few, of almost unbelievable complacency. This is almost always "rewarded" with pain as the failure to identify and assess risk is tantamount to asking for trouble. One way of quantifying how much or how little the emotion of fear enters into the thinking of investors is by examining a measure of volatility. Since volatility in the indexes measures how much premium sellers of options are demanding to take on the risk of selling options on the indexes to others -- primarily speculators -- it is an excellent way of ascertaining how much or little risk aversion is present.
At major bottoms in stocks, we often see the volatility indexes at extreme highs; conversely, when the stock market is at or near a peak, we usually see volatility at very low levels.
The VIX, or the volatility index, is a measurement of options premium volatility as it relates to the most important benchmark for institutional activity, the S&P 500. This is also the index and option set that I use when it comes time to take a short position on the overall stock market.
The picture this current view portrays is really quite shocking. Despite all the aforementioned risks that are obvious to anyone willing to take off their rose-colored glasses, volatility is at an all-time low. I assure you, this is not a sign of health but of impending disaster for stocks.
Since there is such a diminished view of risk, and since this affects option premium prices, when it comes time for us to take on put options once we achieve critical mass readings in the model, these premiums will be relatively very low.
Consequently, it is entirely possible that we may be able to achieve relatively more leverage than ever as we take on deep-out-of-the-money positions. This is a real bonus that one could not always expect to see just before a market meltdown!
In addition to the above measurement of volatility, or lack thereof, as well as small-cap speculative activity, there are other measurements that are extremely important with respect to contrary indicators.
One of the most well known of these is the put/call ratio which measures the number of put options purchased as a ratio to call option purchases. This is simply another way of determining how bullish or how bearish investors are.
At the present time, the relative number of speculative put purchases is much lower than normal as a ratio to call option purchases. While this is not as effective of an indicator as it used to be (due primarily to institutional hedging) it still gives us a clear perspective that there is very little expectation among the general public of any danger ahead in the stock market. It confirms everything else we have been talking about.
Another measurement of excessive optimism and overly bullish expectations is the actual bullish consensus levels as derived from investment adviser opinion. Since most investment advisers are wrong at major turning points, and since when the consensus becomes nearly universal it always portends an inverse reaction, we know the downturn in stocks cannot be far away.
As of the current readings of bullish consensus as compiled by Market Vane, we see bullishness at a very lofty 70%. This is a level associated with major declines, not further rallies.
There is no question that considering sentiment indication on a broad scale that the stock market is very close to substantial weakness. Add to this the current excitement surrounding corporate takeovers, which usually peak just as the stock market is close to collapse (acquiring companies use the leverage of their overextended stock price to acquire companies they could otherwise not afford to; do you remember AOL/Time Warner right at the peak in 2000?) and the argument is extremely compelling that we will see a downturn very soon.
Ironically, as I have said many times, due to the hoopla that always accompanies the very sentiment we are discussing, it never "feels" like the end is at hand in such environments.
Yet, a careful study of the past clearly demonstrates that this is precisely when most major down moves begin. So, my advice is to make sure you apply logic and not emotion to your current analysis of just how close we are to the most incredible opportunities we may ever see. If you do, I feel certain you will agree that things have rarely been more dangerous with respect to stocks.
This analysis brings our “Consumer Cash Flow,” “Real Estate and Money Supply,” and “The Interest Rate Conundrum” papers up-to-date. In simple terms, U.S. economic growth is completely dependent on consumer and government debt creation. We will track the consumer side effects and show them in the consumer accounts.
The latest 2005 economic statistics show that consumers depended on new debt for more than 90% of their cash flow during 2005. In 2006, we expect new debt to account for 95% of cash flow.
Our “Interest Rate Conundrum” paper was absolutely correct that long-term interest rates now control consumer spending instead of economic investment. In April, mortgage interest rates reached levels that should constrain household debt flows.
We also demonstrated in our March, 2006 update that consumer liquidity was falling sharply. After a brief respite at the end of March, consumer liquidity has resumed its downward trend. Liquidity has fallen to 3 weeks of funds on our preferred measure.
Finally, our “Real Estate and Money Supply” paper created a diagram showing that consumer money supply now flows backward. Historically, household incomes were sufficient to generate a cash surplus after consumption and debt service. Now, households have a large cash deficit.
The conclusion of our March, 2006 update has not changed: The key to the consumer’s future is now home resales. Since home resales peaked in the summer of 2005 and are in a downtrend, we expect a further slowing of home resales and a decline in M-2 growth consistent with our paper on “Money Supply and Real Estate.”
Our 6-step process assumes that new home construction will not slow until after home resales have entered a continuing and persistent decline. In April and May, we have seen the first evidence of new home construction weakness. This weakness could indicate that we have reached Step 5 of our economic process.
In our interpretation of this process and current monetary circumstances, the Federal Reserve MUST continue to raise short-term interest rates in order to prolong the opportunity for U.S. households to access long-term debt at high levels.
In our paper, “Real Estate and Money Supply,” we outlined the economic trajectory that the U.S. economy is likely to follow. This section will describe that process and will be integrated with our updated economic analysis.
Current information indicates that we have progressed at least to Step 4 of that process. In our opinion, Step 4 is the most important piece of the process and the last point to influence the economic pain in Step 6. The process follows:
Step 1: The Federal Reserve raises interest rates and begins effecting the willingness and ability of consumers to access their back-up liquidity: home equity loans. This piece began in summer of 2004.
Step 2: Consumers allow M-1 growth to stagnate instead of accessing home equity loans to maintain liquidity. M-1 growth reached 0% in November, 2004. Since November, 2004, M-1 has barely changed.
Step 3: Liquidity becomes more dependent on mortgage refinancing. Consumers recognize that the best way to increase short-term liquidity is by controlling large purchases based upon their access to long-term financing. The sales fluctuations in the auto industry show this view to be correct.
Step 4: Existing home resales moderate as consumer liquidity remains under pressure. New home sales remain strong. Since home resales generate M-2 and new home sales deplete M-2, this step is the critical step. Home resales peaked in June through November, 2005 and have persistently been under pressure since November. The National Association of Realtors continues to trim its 2006 forecast.
Step 5: Existing home resales decline. This step should occur when long-term mortgage rates reach an unattractive level. It could cause M-2 growth to decline and exacerbate consumer liquidity considerations.
Consumption and economic activity slows with household debt generation. Household debt generation did not decline during the 1st quarter of 2006. That fact proves that we were not in Step 5 at that point. However, the continuing decline in mortgages for refinancing and home purchases may prove that the 2nd quarter of 2006 is the start of Step 5. Other information would be consistent with that interpretation.
Step 6: New home sales and remodeling decline. Household debt generation declines further. Household cash flow and incomes decline. Economic activity probably enters a recession.
Consumer Cash Flow
In our paper, “Consumer Cash Flow”, we developed a Sources and Uses of Cash Flow statement for U.S. households using the format for corporations. In that paper, we demonstrated that most new consumer cash flow now comes from new debt.
In 2005, over 90% of new consumer cash flow came from debt. In 2006, we expect debt to provide 95% of consumer cash flow. In the following table, we show the latest estimates of consumer cash flow for 2005 and our early guesstimates for 2006.
Statement of Household Cash Flow
($ Billions)
Preliminary Guesstimate
2005 2006
Net Cash provided by Operating Activities $193.4 $90.9
Net Cash used in Investing Activities $(1,405.5) $(1,317.0)
Cash Flows from Financing Activities
Repayments of Debt (501.4) (527.1)
Increases in Debt 1,710.2 1,770.4
Net Cash provided by Financing Activities $1,208.8 $1,243.3
Net Increase(Decrease) in Cash and Equivalents $(3.3) $20.2
Cash and Equivalents at beginning of period 1,372.1 1,368.8
Cash and Equivalents at end of period $1,368.8 $1,389.0
Cash Flow from Debt 1,710.2 1,770.4
Total Cash Flow(Debt + Operating Cash) 1,903.6 1,861.3
Percentage Cash Flow from Debt 90% 95%
Our guesstimates for 2006 are troubling. The consumer is increasingly dependent on high levels of debt flow. Without these high levels of debt flow, either consumption or non-savings investment activities must decline. The only alternative would be for consumers to deplete the money supply in an attempt to maintain both consumption and investment activities.
Consumer Cash Flow Model
We also developed a Consumer Cash Flow model that integrates with money supply statistics. We now expect that 2006 will be much worse than 2005. In March, we expected that $313.4 billion would be transferred from non-M-1 M-2 to support M-1 during 2006 as opposed to $303.6 billion during 2005. We now expect that about $460 billion will be transferred during 2006; or an increase of over $150 billion.

Consumer Liquidity
In this section, we will show the trend in consumer liquidity. This section utilizes our “Interest Rate Conundrum” and “Real Estate and Money Supply” papers as the basis of the analysis.
In 2005, consumer liquidity began to drop significantly. The drop in liquidity levels has continued during 2006. Money supply information shows that liquidity improved briefly at the end of March. However, tax payments during April eliminated the improvement and liquidity has resumed its downward trend.
The chart below shows a one-month forward measure based on current checkable deposits as a percentage of the annual level of consumer cash expenditures including consumer debt service. The level is adjusted for the expected monthly decline from net cash flow.

Mortgage Financing Environment
In this section, we will update our analysis of the mortgage finance environment.
The chart below shows the actual relationship between the Freddie Mac mortgage rates and the average interest rates on existing mortgages. This relationship shows that current mortgage rates are now above existing average mortgage rates.

The current mortgage environment indicates that consumer debt generation is likely to become more difficult rather than less difficult. This potential could cause large implications for consumer liquidity, consumption and investment levels.
Summary
This paper shows that consumer liquidity levels are under pressure and are declining to potentially inadequate levels. In our March, 2006 update, we stated, “If our economy enters Step 5 of the process outlined on page 2 of this paper, the possibility that consumers will ‘reduce consumption and investing to protect liquidity’ escalates.”
Based on the most recently available information, we are uncertain whether the economy has entered Step 5 of our proposed process. However, recent information removes our doubts that we have reached Step 4 of the process. In our opinion, we have clearly reached Step 4.
In our interpretation of this process, the Federal Reserve MUST continue to raise short-term interest rates in order to prolong the opportunity for U.S. households to access long-term debt at high levels. If the Federal Reserve does not raise short-term interest rates, we would expect long-term interest rates to increase and cause a significant slowdown in the accumulation of real-estate based debt. A debt slowdown would hasten a recession.
*If you want our complete analysis free of charge, please go to www.piscataquaresearch.com.
``There haven't been any big surges in supply. It's a worrying situation, which means prices will be sustained at higher levels over a longer time,'' Richards said at a conference in London today.
``I still believe there is a lot of upside in commodities.'' Commodity prices, as measured by the Reuters/Jefferies CRB index of 19 commodities, have dropped 6.3 percent from the index's May 11 record as central banks in the U.S., Europe and China raised interest rates.
Growing demand from China, whose economic growth has averaged 8.8 percent in the past five years, combined with under-investment in production, has spurred the longest rally in commodity prices in five decades. Oil rose to a record $75.35 a barrel in April, copper to $8,800 a metric ton last month and gold to the highest in 26 years.
``We believe the bull market in commodities is just beginning and has a long way to run,'' Richards said. ``It was perceived that after two or three years of gains in commodities, it was time to get out. This perception is entirely wrong.''
RAB's Special Situations Fund, its largest, has a 90 percent holding in energy and mining companies and returned 61 percent in the past year. The fund was also the best-performing European managed equity strategies hedge funds in April, returning 14 percent. The publicly traded hedge fund manager has $4 billion under management.
Takeovers such as Phelps Dodge Corp., the world's third-largest copper producer, purchase of Canadian nickel miners Inco Ltd. And Falconbridge Ltd. for about $37.4 billion ``doesn't add to mining capacity,'' Richards said.
I have been involved in politics for over 30 years and have never seen the American people so angry. It’s not unusual to sense a modest amount of outrage, but it seems the anger today is unusually intense and quite possibly worse than ever. It’s not easily explained, but I have some thoughts on this matter. Generally, anger and frustration among people are related to economic conditions; bread and butter issues. Yet today, according to government statistics, things are going well. We have low unemployment, low inflation, more homeowners than ever before, and abundant leisure with abundant luxuries. Even the poor have cell phones, televisions, and computers. Public school is free, and anyone can get free medical care at any emergency room in the country. Almost all taxes are paid by the top 50% of income earners. The lower 50% pay essentially no income taxes, yet general dissatisfaction and anger are commonplace. The old slogan “It’s the economy, stupid,” just doesn’t seem to explain things
Some say it’s the war, yet we’ve lived with war throughout the 20th century. The bigger they were the more we pulled together. And the current war, by comparison, has fewer American casualties than the rest. So it can’t just be the war itself.
People complain about corruption, but what’s new about government corruption? In the 19th century we had railroad scandals; in the 20th century we endured the Teapot Dome scandal, Watergate, Koreagate, and many others without too much anger and resentment. Yet today it seems anger is pervasive and worse than we’ve experienced in the past.
Could it be that war, vague yet persistent economic uncertainty, corruption, and the immigration problem all contribute to the anger we feel in America? Perhaps, but it’s almost as though people aren’t exactly sure why they are so uneasy. They only know that they’ve had it and aren’t going to put up with it anymore.
High gasoline prices make a lot of people angry, though there is little understanding of how deficits, inflation, and war in the Middle East all contribute to these higher prices.
Generally speaking, there are two controlling forces that determine the nature of government: the people’s concern for their economic self interests; and the philosophy of those who hold positions of power and influence in any particular government. Under Soviet Communism the workers believed their economic best interests were being served, while a few dedicated theoreticians placed themselves in positions of power. Likewise, the intellectual leaders of the American Revolution were few, but rallied the colonists to risk all to overthrow a tyrannical king.
Since there’s never a perfect understanding between these two forces, the people and the philosophical leaders, and because the motivations of the intellectual leaders vary greatly, any transition from one system of government to another is unpredictable. The communist takeover by Lenin was violent and costly; the demise of communism and the acceptance of a relatively open system in the former Soviet Union occurred in a miraculous manner. Both systems had intellectual underpinnings.
In the United States over the last century we have witnessed the coming and going of various intellectual influences by proponents of the free market, Keynesian welfarism, varieties of socialism, and supply-side economics. In foreign policy we’ve seen a transition from the founder’s vision of non-intervention in the affairs of others to internationalism, unilateral nation building, and policing the world. We now have in place a policy, driven by determined neo-conservatives, to promote American “goodness” and democracy throughout the world by military force-- with particular emphasis on remaking the Middle East.
We all know that ideas do have consequences. Bad ideas, even when supported naively by the people, will have bad results. Could it be the people sense, in a profound way, that the policies of recent decades are unworkable-- and thus they have instinctively lost confidence in their government leaders? This certainly happened in the final years of the Soviet system. Though not fully understood, this sense of frustration may well be the source of anger we hear expressed on a daily basis by so many.
No matter how noble the motivations of political leaders are, when they achieve positions of power the power itself inevitably becomes their driving force. Government officials too often yield to the temptations and corrupting influences of power.
But there are many others who are not bashful about using government power to do “good.” They truly believe they can make the economy fair through a redistributive tax and spending system; make the people moral by regulating personal behavior and choices; and remake the world in our image using armies. They argue that the use of force to achieve good is legitimate and proper for government-- always speaking of the noble goals while ignoring the inevitable failures and evils caused by coercion.
Not only do they justify government force, they believe they have a moral obligation to do so.
Once we concede government has this “legitimate” function and can be manipulated by a majority vote, the various special interests move in quickly. They gain control to direct government largesse for their own benefit. Too often it is corporate interests who learn how to manipulate every contract, regulation and tax policy. Likewise, promoters of the “progressive” agenda, always hostile to property rights, compete for government power through safety, health, and environmental initiatives. Both groups resort to using government power-- and abuse this power-- in an effort to serve their narrow interests. In the meantime, constitutional limits on power and its mandate to protect liberty are totally forgotten.
Since the use of power to achieve political ends is accepted, pervasive, and ever expanding, popular support for various programs is achieved by creating fear. Sometimes the fear is concocted out of thin air, but usually it’s created by wildly exaggerating a problem or incident that does not warrant the proposed government “solution.” Often government caused the problem in the first place. The irony, of course, is that government action rarely solves any problem, but rather worsens existing problems or creates altogether new ones.
Fear is generated to garner popular support for the proposed government action, even when some liberty has to be sacrificed. This leads to a society that is systemically driven toward fear-- fear that gives the monstrous government more and more authority and control over our lives and property.
Fear is constantly generated by politicians to rally the support of the people.
Environmentalists go back and forth, from warning about a coming ice age to arguing the grave dangers of global warming.
It is said that without an economic safety net-- for everyone, from cradle to grave-- people would starve and many would become homeless.
It is said that without government health care, the poor would not receive treatment. Medical care would be available only to the rich.
Without government insuring pensions, all private pensions would be threatened.
Without federal assistance, there would be no funds for public education, and the quality of our public schools would diminish-- ignoring recent history to the contrary.
It is argued that without government surveillance of every American, even without search warrants, security cannot be achieved. The sacrifice of some liberty is required for security of our citizens, they claim.
We are constantly told that the next terrorist attack could come at any moment. Rather than questioning why we might be attacked, this atmosphere of fear instead prompts giving up liberty and privacy. 9/11 has been conveniently used to generate the fear necessary to expand both our foreign intervention and domestic surveillance.
Fear of nuclear power is used to assure shortages and highly expensive energy.
In all instances where fear is generated and used to expand government control, it’s safe to say the problems behind the fears were not caused by the free market economy, or too much privacy, or excessive liberty.
It’s easy to generate fear, fear that too often becomes excessive, unrealistic, and difficult to curb. This is important: It leads to even more demands for government action than the perpetrators of the fear actually anticipated.
Once people look to government to alleviate their fears and make them safe, expectations exceed reality. FEMA originally had a small role, but its current mission is to centrally manage every natural disaster that befalls us. This mission was exposed as a fraud during last year’s hurricanes; incompetence and corruption are now FEMA’s legacy. This generates anger among those who have to pay the bills, and among those who didn’t receive the handouts promised to them quickly enough.
Generating exaggerated fear to justify and promote attacks on private property is commonplace. It serves to inflame resentment between the producers in society and the so-called victims, whose demands grow exponentially.
The economic impossibility of this system guarantees that the harder government tries to satisfy the unlimited demands, the worse the problems become. We won’t be able to pay the bills forever, and eventually our ability to borrow and print new money must end. This dependency on government will guarantee anger when the money runs out. Today we’re still able to borrow and inflate, but budgets are getting tighter and people sense serious problems lurking in the future. This fear is legitimate. No easy solution to our fiscal problems is readily apparent, and this ignites anger and apprehension.
Disenchantment is directed at the politicians and their false promises, made in order to secure reelection and exert power that so many of them enjoy.
It is, however, in foreign affairs that governments have most abused fear to generate support for an agenda that under normal circumstances would have been rejected. For decades our administrations have targeted one supposed “Hitler” after another to gain support for military action against a particular country. Today we have three choices termed the axis of evil: Iran, Iraq or North Korea.
We recently witnessed how unfounded fear was generated concerning Saddam Hussein’s weapons of mass destruction to justify our first ever pre-emptive war. It is now universally known the fear was based on falsehoods. And yet the war goes on; the death and destruction continue.
This is not a new phenomenon. General Douglas MacArthur understood the political use of fear when he made this famous statement:
“Always there has been some terrible evil at home or some monstrous foreign power that was going to gobble us up if we did not blindly rally behind it.”
We should be ever vigilant when we hear the fear mongers preparing us for the next military conflict our young men and women will be expected to fight. We’re being told of the great danger posed by Almadinejad in Iran and Kim Jung Il in North Korea. Even Russia and China bashing is in vogue again. And we’re still not able to trade with or travel to Cuba. A constant enemy is required to expand the state. More and more news stories blame Iran for the bad results in Iraq. Does this mean Iran is next on the hit list?
The world is much too dangerous, we’re told, and therefore we must be prepared to fight at a moment’s notice, regardless of the cost. If the public could not be manipulated by politicians’ efforts to instill needless fear, fewer wars would be fought and far fewer lives would be lost.
Though the American people are fed up for a lot of legitimate reasons, almost all polls show the mess in Iraq leads the list of why the anger is so intense.
Short wars, with well-defined victories, are tolerated by the American people even when they are misled as to the reasons for the war. Wars entered into without a proper declaration tend to be politically motivated and not for national security reasons. These wars, by their very nature, are prolonged, costly, and usually require a new administration to finally end them. This certainly was true with the Korean and Vietnam wars. The lack of a quick military success, the loss of life and limb, and the huge economic costs of lengthy wars precipitate anger. This is overwhelmingly true when the war propaganda that stirred up illegitimate fears is exposed as a fraud. Most soon come to realize the promise of guns and butter is an illusion. They come to understand that inflation, a weak economy, and a prolonged war without real success are the reality.
The anger over the Iraq war is multifaceted. Some are angry believing they were lied to in order to gain their support at the beginning. Others are angry that the forty billion dollars we spend every year on intelligence gathering failed to provide good information. Proponents of the war too often are unable to admit the truth. They become frustrated with the progress of the war and then turn on those wanting to change course, angrily denouncing them as unpatriotic and un-American.
Those accused are quick to respond to the insulting charges made by those who want to fight on forever without regard to casualties. Proponents of the war do not hesitate to challenge the manhood of war critics, accusing them of wanting to cut and run. Some war supporters ducked military service themselves while others fought and died, only adding to the anger of those who have seen battle up close and now question our campaign in Iraq.
When people see a $600 million embassy being built in Baghdad, while funding for services here in the United States is hard to obtain, they become angry. They can’t understand why the money is being spent, especially when they are told by our government that we have no intention of remaining permanently in Iraq.
The bickering and anger will not subside soon, since victory in Iraq is not on the horizon and a change in policy is not likely either.
The neoconservative instigators of the war are angry at everyone: at the people who want to get out of Iraq; and especially at those prosecuting the war for not bombing more aggressively, sending in more troops, and expanding the war into Iran.
As our country becomes poorer due to the cost of the war, anger surely will escalate. Much of it will be justified.
It seems bizarre that it’s so unthinkable to change course if the current policy is failing. Our leaders are like a physician who makes a wrong diagnosis and prescribes the wrong medicine, but because of his ego can’t tell the patient he made a mistake. Instead he hopes the patient will get better on his own. But instead of improving, the patient gets worse from the medication wrongly prescribed. This would be abhorrent behavior in medicine, but tragically it is commonplace in politics.
If the truth is admitted, it would appear that the lives lost and the money spent have been in vain. Instead, more casualties must be sustained to prove a false premise. What a tragedy! If the truth is admitted, imagine the anger of all the families that already have suffered such a burden. That burden is softened when the families and the wounded are told their great sacrifice was worthy, and required to preserve our freedoms and our Constitution.
But no one is allowed to ask the obvious. How have the 2,500 plus deaths, and the 18,500 wounded, made us more free? What in the world does Iraq have to do with protecting our civil liberties here at home? What national security threat prompted America’s first pre-emptive war? How does our unilateral enforcement of UN resolutions enhance our freedoms?
These questions aren’t permitted. They are not politically correct. I agree that the truth hurts, and these questions are terribly hurtful to the families that have suffered so much. What a horrible thought it would be to find out the cause for which we fight is not quite so noble.
I don’t believe those who hide from the truth and refuse to face the reality of the war do so deliberately. The pain is too great. Deep down, psychologically, many are incapable of admitting such a costly and emotionally damaging error. They instead become even greater and more determined supporters of the failed policy.
I would concede that there are some-- especially the die-hard neoconservatives, who believe it is our moral duty to spread American goodness through force and remake the Middle East-- who neither suffer regrets nor are bothered by the casualties. They continue to argue for more war without remorse, as long as they themselves do not have to fight. Criticism is reserved for the wimps who want to “cut and run.”
Due to the psychological need to persist with the failed policy, the war proponents must remain in denial of many facts staring them in the face.
They refuse to accept that the real reason for our invasion and occupation of Iraq was not related to terrorism.
They deny that our military is weaker as a consequence of this war.
They won’t admit that our invasion has served the interests of Osama Bin Laden. They continue to blame our image problems around the world on a few bad apples.
They won’t admit that our invasion has served the interests of Iran’s radical regime.
The cost in lives lost and dollars spent is glossed over, and the deficit spirals up without concern.
They ridicule those who point out that our relationships with our allies have been significantly damaged.
We have provided a tremendous incentive for Russia and China, and others like Iran, to organize through the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. They entertain future challenges to our plans to dominate South East Asia, the Middle East, and all its oil.
Radicalizing the Middle East will in the long term jeopardize Israel’s security, and increase the odds of this war spreading.
War supporters cannot see that for every Iraqi killed, another family turns on us-- regardless of who did the killing. We are and will continue to be blamed for every wrong done in Iraq: all deaths, illness, water problems, food shortages, and electricity outages.
As long as our political leaders persist in these denials, the war won’t end. The problem is that this is the source of the anger, because the American people are not in denial and want a change in policy.
Policy changes in wartime are difficult, for it is almost impossible for the administration to change course since so much emotional energy has been invested in the effort. That’s why Eisenhower ended the Korean War, and not Truman. That’s why Nixon ended the Vietnam War, and not LBJ. Even in the case of Vietnam the end was too slow and costly, as more then 30,000 military deaths came after Nixon’s election in 1968. It makes a lot more sense to avoid unnecessary wars than to overcome the politics involved in stopping them once started. I personally am convinced that many of our wars could be prevented by paying stricter attention to the method whereby our troops are committed to battle. I also am convinced that when Congress does not declare war, victory is unlikely.
The most important thing Congress can do to prevent needless and foolish wars is for every member to take seriously his or her oath to obey the Constitution. Wars should be entered into only after great deliberation and caution. Wars that are declared by Congress should reflect the support of the people, and the goal should be a quick and successful resolution.
Our undeclared wars over the past 65 years have dragged on without precise victories. We fight to spread American values, to enforce UN resolutions, and to slay supposed Hitlers. We forget that we once spread American values by persuasion and setting an example-- not by bombs and preemptive invasions. Nowhere in the Constitution are we permitted to go to war on behalf of the United Nations at the sacrifice of our national sovereignty. We repeatedly use military force against former allies, thugs we helped empower—like Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden—even when they pose no danger to us.
The 2002 resolution allowing the president to decide when and if to invade Iraq is an embarrassment. The Constitution authorizes only Congress to declare war. Our refusal to declare war transferred power to the president illegally, without a constitutional amendment. Congress did this with a simple resolution, passed by majority vote. This means Congress reneged on its responsibility as a separate branch of government, and should be held accountable for the bad policy in Iraq that the majority of Americans are now upset about. Congress is every bit as much at fault as the president.
Constitutional questions aside, the American people should have demanded more answers from their government before they supported the invasion and occupation of a foreign country.
Some of the strongest supporters of the war declare that we are a Christian nation, yet use their religious beliefs to justify the war. They claim it is our Christian duty to remake the Middle East and attack the Muslim infidels. Evidently I have been reading from a different Bible. I remember something about “Blessed are the peacemakers.”
My beliefs aside, Christian teaching of nearly a thousand years reinforces the concept of “The Just War Theory.” This Christian theory emphasizes six criteria needed to justify Christian participation in war. Briefly the six points are as follows:
The war in Iraq fails to meet almost all of these requirements. This discrepancy has generated anger and division within the Christian community.
Some are angry because the war is being fought out of Christian duty, yet does not have uniform support from all Christians. Others are angry because they see Christianity as a religion as peace and forgiveness, not war and annihilation of enemies.
Constitutional and moral restraints on war should be strictly followed. It is understandable when kings, dictators, and tyrants take their people into war, since it serves their selfish interests-- and those sent to fight have no say in the matter. It is more difficult to understand why democracies and democratic legislative bodies, which have a say over the issue of war, so readily submit to the executive branch of government. The determined effort of the authors of our Constitution to firmly place the power to declare war in the legislative branch has been ignored in the decades following WWII.
Many members have confided in me that they are quite comfortable with this arrangement. They flatly do not expect, in this modern age, to formally declare war ever again. Yet no one predicts there will be fewer wars fought. It is instead assumed they will be ordered by the executive branch or the United Nations-- a rather sad commentary.
What about the practical arguments against war, since no one seems interested in exerting constitutional or moral restraints? Why do we continue to fight prolonged, political wars when the practical results are so bad? Our undeclared wars since 1945 have been very costly, to put it mildly. We have suffered over one hundred thousand military deaths, and even more serious casualties. Tens of thousands have suffered from serious war-related illnesses. Sadly, we as a nation express essentially no concern for the millions of civilian casualties in the countries where we fought.
The cost of war since 1945, and our military presence in over 100 countries, exceeds two trillion dollars in today’s dollars. The cost in higher taxes, debt, and persistent inflation is immeasurable. Likewise, the economic opportunities lost by diverting trillions of dollars into war is impossible to measure, but it is huge. Yet our presidents persist in picking fights with countries that pose no threat to us, refusing to participate in true diplomacy to resolve differences. Congress over the decades has never resisted the political pressures to send our troops abroad on missions that defy imagination.
When the people object to a new adventure, the propaganda machine goes into action to make sure critics are seen as unpatriotic Americans or even traitors.
The military-industrial complex we were warned about has been transformed into a military-media-industrial-government complex that is capable of silencing the dissenters and cheerleading for war. It’s only after years of failure that people are able to overcome the propaganda for war and pressure their representatives in Congress to stop the needless killing. Many times the economic costs of war stir people to demand an end. This time around the war might be brought to a halt by our actual inability to pay the bills due to a dollar crisis. A dollar crisis will make borrowing 2.5 billion dollars per day from foreign powers like China and Japan virtually impossible, at least at affordable interest rates.
That’s when we will be forced to reassess the spending spree, both at home and abroad.
The solution to this mess is not complicated; but the changes needed are nearly impossible for political reasons. Sound free market economics, sound money, and a sensible foreign policy would all result from strict adherence to the Constitution. If the people desired it, and Congress was filled with responsible members, a smooth although challenging transition could be achieved. Since this is unlikely, we can only hope that the rule of law and the goal of liberty can be reestablished without chaos.
We must move quickly toward a more traditional American foreign policy of peace, friendship, and trade with all nations; entangling alliances with none. We must reject the notion that we can or should make the world safe for democracy. We must forget about being the world’s policeman. We should disengage from the unworkable and unforgiving task of nation building. We must reject the notion that our military should be used to protect natural resources, private investments, or serve the interest of any foreign government or the United Nations. Our military should be designed for one purpose: defending our national security. It’s time to come home now, before financial conditions or military weakness dictates it.
The major obstacle to a sensible foreign policy is the fiction about what patriotism means. Today patriotism has come to mean blind support for the government and its policies. In earlier times patriotism meant having the willingness and courage to challenge government policies regardless of popular perceptions.
Today we constantly hear innuendos and direct insults aimed at those who dare to challenge current foreign policy, no matter how flawed that policy may be. I would suggest it takes more courage to admit the truth, to admit mistakes, than to attack others as unpatriotic for disagreeing with the war in Iraq.
Remember, the original American patriots challenged the abuses of King George, and wrote and carried out the Declaration of Independence.
Yes Mr. Speaker, there is a lot of anger in this country. Much of it is justified; some of it is totally unnecessary and misdirected. The only thing that can lessen this anger is an informed public, a better understanding of economic principles, a rejection of foreign intervention, and a strict adherence to the constitutional rule of law. This will be difficult to achieve, but it’s not impossible and well worth the effort.